Statement by Representative Lee H. Hamilton
(House of Representatives - May 14, 1998)
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to H.R. 2431.
Mr. Chairman, we all agree that the United States should do more to promote religious freedom around the world. I think everyone in this Chamber wants to do that. I believe that the bill that is before us is brought forward with the very best of intentions. The question is, what is the best way to accomplish our objective? I do not believe this bill, as presently drafted, is the best way. I will oppose it.
I oppose it, really, for three reasons. First of all, I think the bill will do very serious harm to the United States' national interest. The United States' national interest in any country is multifaceted, but this bill forces the President to conduct American foreign policy toward countries on the basis of a single standard, tolerance of religious freedom, as defined in the bill.
The mandatory, automatic sanctions in this bill sharply restrict the President's ability to conduct foreign policy. A determination of religious persecution would automatically trigger all of the sanctions listed in this bill. Even if the President chose to waive the sanctions, such a determination would damage relations with countries of enormous importance to the United States.
The bill will deprive the President of the ability to determine what to condemn and how to condemn it and how to deal with it. We are saying in this bill that there is only one way to deal with this problem; that is to apply sanctions.
Foreign policy is not that simple. In making sanctions decisions, this bill gives the Secretary of State no authority to balance our concern about religious persecution against any other national interest, not our economic stake in a foreign country, not our security interests, not even our interest in promoting other basic human rights.
The Secretary of State has no authority under this bill to exercise judgment about how best to promote religious freedom in any particular country. The Secretary would be compelled to impose sanctions. The sanctions waiver does not mitigate the automatic public censure this bill requires, so the bill gives the President a single tool, sanctions, to promote religious freedom.
On a question of immense complexity in every country, this bill shackles the United States and says, automatic sanctions is the answer. I think it harms our ability to promote religious freedom.
Let me try to give Members some examples of what this bill will do. In Egypt there are, of course, reports of abuse against the Coptic Christians. How would automatic sanctions against Egypt help Coptic Christians whose leaders are opposed to this bill? How would automatic sanctions against Egypt, the first and most important Arab country to make peace with Israel, help the peace process at this moment in time?
Or let us take Saudi Arabia. Christians have been beaten there, services stopped, converts have been beheaded. How would sanctions against Saudi Arabia advance the vital U.S. national interest in the secure flow of oil? How would sanctions promote the goal of containing Saddam Hussein and enforcing U.S. Security Council resolutions against Iraq?
Or Pakistan? Right now we are making every effort, at this moment in time, to persuade Pakistan not to conduct nuclear tests. Automatic sanctions would make that difficult to ask, even much more difficult. If we impose automatic sanctions, what chance do we have that the Pakistanis would pay any attention to us?
Likewise, a similar situation in Indonesia. Catholics are persecuted in East Timor. The State Department says that every single country in Southeast Asia, except Australia and New Zealand, could be sanctioned under this bill.
Would sanctions help the United States address the financial crisis in Indonesia and in Asia today, with the threat that that poses to the entire world's financial system? How would a financial collapse promote religious tolerance?
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